Sept. 25, 2026 | This Week in Government: House Panel Weighs Tax Credit for Nurse Practitioner Preceptors; 17-Year-Old EMT Licensing

Each week, the Detroit Regional Chamber’s Government Relations team, in partnership with Gongwer, provides members with a collection of timely updates from both local and state governments. Stay in the know on the latest legislation, policy priorities, and more. Sign up for the Chamber’s weekly newsletter, This Week in Governement.

The House Health Policy Committee heard testimony Wednesday on two bills aimed at boosting workforce recruitment of young medical professionals by addressing seemingly minute issues within the processes for training and licensing new emergency medical technicians and nurse practitioners with advanced skills.

HB 5488 and HB 5489 would allow the licensure of emergency medical technicians and medical first responders at age 17. HB 6156 would create an income tax credit for certain advanced practice registered nurses who work as preceptors for nursing students during clinical study.

Rep. Dave Prestin, R-Cedar River, an EMT and paramedic himself who sponsored part of the former bill package alongside Rep. Angela Witwer, D-Delta Township, told his colleagues the bills “offer a straightforward common sense step towards addressing the shortage of emergency medical service personnel that we’re experiencing across our state and across the country.”

Increasingly, he said, young people are completing training to become emergency medical personnel before turning 18 as access to career and technical education puts EMT and MFR training in high schools around the state. However, regulation hasn’t kept pace with a workforce that could be trending younger and ready to work sooner, still only allowing licensure at age 18.

“The education pathway for these licenses are not overly complicated. A medical first responder can be trained in approximately 60 hours. An EMT can complete training over the course of a single semester,” Prestin said. “EMT students are required to complete a minimum 32 clinical experiences, (including in) direct patient care and hospital emergency departments with licensed ambulance services and personnel on emergency calls where students utilize their skills and real responses under the direct supervision of experienced providers.”

Because of the current age requirement, students who begin EMT or MFR training earlier may have a monthslong waiting period between graduating from a CTE program and “actually doing the job they’ve been trained to do,” Prestin said, which can lead to promising future medical responders abandoning their plans in favor of jobs that will employ them more immediately.

Addressing those who may have concerns about a 17-year-old new graduate’s emotional preparedness and maturity level to work as a first responder in a medical context, Prestin said the experiences EMT and MFR students gain during their clinical training while working alongside seasoned professionals leave them well-equipped to enter the field upon graduation.

“The current licensure rules have not kept pace with the excellent work students and schools are doing. … Unfortunately, when a profession deters graduates from fully participating simply because they’re a few weeks; few months short of their 18th birthday, students seek different career paths,” he said. “For those that feel they may not be emotionally ready for this job, the clinical experiences within the training program already vet that out. These students have already done one-on-one patient care in real world settings; in ERs, in the backs of ambulances, in the ditches, in the homes, throughout their training… after the program is completed, (they’re) ready to go.”

On HB 6156, representatives from university nursing programs and healthcare provider networks explained another element of medical training they believe the state has an opportunity to make easier for new professionals – in this instance, though, by creating a tax incentive for the veteran advanced practice nurses who mentor and supervise trainees through their clinical rotations.

Emma Method, legislative aide for Rep. Jamie Thompson, R-Brownstown, who sponsored the bill and was unable to attend committee on Wednesday, said in clinical rotations for nurses, a preceptor is “an experienced clinician who guides and trains the student during their clinical hours,” oftentimes in addition to regular duties without accordant compensation.

“Far too often, nurse preceptors take on this extra responsibility without any additional compensation. HB 6156 seeks to address this problem by offering a $500 tax credit for every student that a nurse preceptor trains up to three students a year,” Method said. “Similar programs have been implemented in 14 states across the United States, from Texas, Alabama and Georgia to Hawaii, Washington, and Maryland.”

Linda Weglicki of the Michigan Association of Colleges of Nursing said advanced practices, which encompass roles including nurse practitioners, clinical nurse specialists, certified registered nurse anesthetists, and nurse midwives, require more than a thousand hours of clinical education before completion of a graduate program in the discipline.

“Advanced practice nursing education requires not only didactic education, but extensive supervised clinical education under qualified preceptors who provide one-to-one clinical instruction, mentorship, evaluation, and oversight as students develop the advanced clinical judgment and competencies required for practicing nursing in an advanced practice specialty role,” Weglicki said.

Across Michigan’s 30 public and private colleges and universities with nursing programs, 17 have graduate and doctoral offerings for advanced practice nursing. They struggle to guarantee, though, a clinical placement in healthcare setting somewhere in the state for each of the roughly 2,600 advanced practice nursing students enrolled in those programs, given Michigan’s shortage of registered nurses and nurse practitioners.

“Insufficient clinical training capacity creates a significant bottleneck in nursing education,” Weglicki said of the implications Michigan’s nursing workforce shortage has on the availability of nurse preceptors. “When clinical placements are limited, delayed, or simply unavailable, delaying graduation and entry into the nursing workforce, increasing costs for students and limiting program enrollment and expansion makes it more difficult to prepare nurses in specialties and communities where they are needed to practice the most.”

Ann Sheehan, Michigan State University College of Nursing assistant dean for practice innovation and professional education, said a lack of clinical preceptors is “the greatest barrier to expanding the nursing workforce” in Michigan in many places. However, she said, there’s been indicators of how to address the issue.

“There is strong evidence that supports (that) financial incentives do increase preceptor recruitment and retention and are viewed favorably by preceptors. This evidence was documented through a pilot program funded by the Department of Health and Human Services,” Sheehan said. “Michigan State’s College of Nursing received grant funding to test financial incentives for nurse practitioner preceptors over two semesters. The results demonstrated that incentives helped recruit 18 new preceptors and supported the continued engagement of 42 existing preceptors.”

Scaling up the pilot program, as Thompson’s bill would do, could make becoming a preceptor more viable for advanced practice nurses who may otherwise abstain from the extra work in clinical settings that are likely to be understaffed or taking on more patients than they can handle.

The bill was supported by the Michigan Primary Care Association, Detroit Regional Chamber, Michigan Nurses Association, American Association of Nurse Practitioners, Michigan Association of State Universities, Michigan Chamber of Commerce, Eastern Michigan University, Michigan Independent Colleges, American Nurses Association, Wayne State College of Nursing, and Oakland University.

The committee did not act on the bills.

Gas prices are high, the war in Iran is ongoing, and voters are mad at President Donald Trump. For House Republicans, those issues combined with fewer voters expected to come out compared to 2024 could mean trouble.

The General Election is less than six weeks away and Republicans in Michigan and nationwide are concerned about their electoral prospects.

Several sources speaking to Gongwer News Service on background do not have high hopes for the Republicans to keep their 58-52 majority.

Even publicly, Republicans are pessimistic. This week, Republican activist Brandon Hall posted election predictions on Facebook that surmised Republican John James will lose the governor’s race to Democrat Jocelyn Benson. Consultant John Yob called the governor’s race an anchor on the rest of the ticket.

That same post called the state House “too close to call,” and said Speaker Matt Hall’s efforts are the reason the GOP keeping the majority is even still in play. Republican Rep. Angela Rigas, R-Alto, commented, “I agree.”

Republican Rep. Brad Paquette, R-Niles, has been critical of Trump on social media and posted on X the president’s actions and unpopularity give Democrat Abdul El-Sayed the advantage over Republican Mike Rogers.

“If that happens, down ballot Republicans in must-win seats the GOP needs to hold the majority will take losses as well due to disillusionment with D.C.,” he wrote.

It’s an astonishing level of public candor on how Republicans are faring ahead of the November General Election. The slim majority in the House is the current stronghold for Republicans as Democrats hold the Senate and statewide offices.

Throw in that two Republican incumbents are playing up their work with Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer in their ads, and there’s little doubt which way the playing field is tilting.

As the sentiment grows that the governor’s race is Benson’s to lose and the state Senate will be difficult to flip to the GOP, keeping the House is a key stopgap to full Democratic control in Lansing in 2027.

But Republicans are fighting a difficult environment that may be too much to overcome. Of the 10 seats Gongwer deems most likely to flip, only one is currently in Democratic hands, in part because Republicans hold the truly competitive seats, which does give them the benefit of incumbency.

Even so, the Democratic challengers in most of the top races are outraising their Republican counterparts.

With all that in mind, here’s Gongwer’s latest House seats most likely to flip:

1. The open 54th reigns (unchanged): The 54th House District, being vacated by Rep. Donni Steele, R-Orion Township, is likely to remain at the top of the list this cycle.

Republicans have Roman Gaskey, whom traditional organizations like the Michigan Chamber of Commerce and the Michigan Manufacturers Association are rallying behind, but he was not the preferred candidate in the primary.

Democrat Sarah Pounds soared through the primary with no contest and has a large cash advantage. During the post-primary period that covered July 20 through Aug. 24, Pounds raised about $70,000, a significant sum. She has $118,000 on hand compared to $3,000 for Gaskey.

Steele fit the district like a glove but it’s a changing Oakland County seat in a harsh environment for Republicans. There is a not a lot of activity here and on the Republican side, it’s unclear if there ever will be.

Democrats are far outspending Republicans on ads so far, $324,000 to $159,000 though Republicans have spent an amount that suggests they haven’t totally given up.

2. Frisbie v. Haadsma in 44th: Both sides are going to fight until this end in the 44th House District rematch between Republican Rep. Steve Frisbie and Democratic former Rep. Jim Haadsma.

Haadsma has a candidate-to-candidate cash advantage with $157,000 on hand compared to $100,000 for Frisbie, but both are showing strong numbers that indicate engagement in the race. For ads reserved through the election, Frisbie is set to see $1.5 million in ads compared to $1 million for Haadsma, though the Democratic advantage in actual ad spending is $501,000 to $433,000.

Frisbie’s ads focus on him being above politics. One ad includes two individuals speaking to the camera, explaining that they normally vote for Democrats but they are voting for Frisbie because he is “generous and kind.” Haadsma’s ads focus on his work as a former state representative and an attorney.

The Battle Creek district is finicky and has gone back and forth over the years, though Haadsma held it for three terms before being narrowly defeated by Frisbie in 2024. The question is, can Frisbie hang on in a tough Republican year when the contest was so close in a good Republican year?

3. Attacks coming in on Schmaltz in 46th (up from 5): Republican Rep. Kathy Schmaltz is one of the several House Republicans fielding attacks from the group Michigan Citizens for Better Health, which has ties to the Michigan Health and Hospital Association (it’s 2024 990 tax form lists its president as Laura Appel, who is MHA’s executive vice president of government relations and public policy).

Democrat Jan Maino, a school board member and social worker, is running on her background in the community. Schmaltz, who worked as a TV reporter in the Jackson-area district for many years, boasts her work in the community as well with one ad saying her work “transcends politics.” The healthcare group has reserved some ads in the district and is running a radio attack attacking Schmaltz as well.

Maino has a $145,000 to $81,000 cash advantage over Schmaltz, according to the latest campaign finance reports. The House Republican Campaign Committee, though, has $1.3 million reserved through election day here and Democrats are at $213,000, though, to date, ad spending for Maino has topped Schmaltz at $768,000 to $559,000.

It’s Schmaltz’s first test as an incumbent during a midterm and the strongest candidate she’s faced since first running for the seat.

4. Bohnak touts Whitmer in 109th reelection ads (unchanged): If one needs proof that the 109thHouse District isn’t solidly red, an ad from Republican Rep. Karl Bohnak praising Gov. Gretchen Whitmer might be it.

The ad exists and the Marquette-anchored 109th remains in the top five with weeks to go until election day. Bohnak was already well known from his days as a TV meteorologist and now has incumbency status, but he flipped a seat with a new and relatively unpopular incumbent in 2024. Democrat Anna Aho Rink doesn’t have the same baggage and instead has a resume that includes being a provider at Planned Parenthood before the facility closed in Marquette.

Her ads also tout her work as a mom and her husband’s work as a police officer. Democrats have attacked Bohnak on healthcare.

One more cycle is really needed to see if the 109th is following the rest of the Upper Peninsula House districts as being solidly in Republican hands. Neither caucus is spending or reserving a huge amount here yet, though Marquette TV is cheap (there’s been $384,000 in ads for Bohnak to $318,000 for Rink). Rink has proven a solid fundraiser and has $94,000 on hand compared to $61,000 for Bohnak.

5. What’s happening in the 27th? (down from 3): Republican Rep. Rylee Linting and Democratic former Rep. Jaime Churches, both from Wyandotte, seem to be putting in the work in the 27th House District seat where Linting wants to stay and Churches wants to come back.

Republicans are pouring money into ads for Linting with $480,000 in ad spending so far, mostly from the Michigan Freedom Network, while Democrats are at $135,000 for Churches. But both candidates appear to be hitting the doors and are fundraising. Churches has $156,000 on hand according to the latest campaign finance reports and this year has spent $185,000 on the race. Linting has $97,000 on hand, which is a solid sum.

Of the few ads that are up digitally, both are talking about affordability. Downriver votes can be fickle and there are other solid races going on here, too, notably with Sen. Darrin Camilleri on the ballot this year. The district was +8.5 for Trump in 2024, while Mike Rogers only carried it by 3.7 points over now-U.S. Sen. Elissa Slotkin. Linting won by 4.23 points after a much closer race was anticipated. Still, it was Whitmer +11 in 2022.

6. Watching for a surprise in Holland’s 86th (up from 10): Republican Rep. Nancy DeBoer seems to have a real challenge on her hands from Democrat Joseph McClusky in the 86th House District.

DeBoer, R-Holland, fits this district well but McClusky, a former political director for the House Democrats in west Michigan, also knows the area well and has been campaigning since June 2025. He also has impressive fundraising numbers and the caucus is spending here with $287,000 in ad spending to $70,000 for DeBoer.

Post-primary campaign finance reports show McClusky with $141,000 on hand after spending $50,000 during the period. DeBoer has $76,000. Neither caucus is spending a huge amount yet, but Democrats have so far spent or reserved more, with a $86,000 to $58,000 advantage through election day.

Still, McClusky, who is gay, has a compelling story about his political history, switching from being conservative to a Democrat. He has campaigned with Senate Majority Leader Winnie Brinks and Sen. Sean McCann, who is running for the 4th U.S. House District. He appears to be working hard.

DeBoer, as a two-term incumbent and former mayor of Holland, is a known commodity in the district. She won comfortably in 2022 and 2024 even as it was Harris +0.5, Rogers +2 in 2024 and Whitmer +1 in 2022. Trump won by one percentage point in 2020. So the district is changing, but by how much?

7. Group with hospital ties targets Martin (up from the Watchlist): The 68th House District, held by Rep. David Martin, R-Davison, has been on our watchlist for some time. We’re bumping it up to No. 7 following the Michigan Citizens for Better Health group committing a whopping $925,000 in advertising to the seat. Attack ads are running against Martin for his record on healthcare.

Republicans don’t seem overly alarmed in a district Martin won by 10 points in the last midterm in 2022. They have only $29,000 in ads reserved the rest of the way. But it’s curious that the Democrat, Matt Schlinker, reported $33,000 cash on hand at the end of August compared to just $16,000 for Martin. That’s an awful cash on hand number for an incumbent in a plausibly competitive seat.

This seat was Whitmer +6.5 in 2022 and Benson +10. The area overall has been trending Republican, but this district is at the top of the list of seats poised to flip in a Democratic wave year, and if a million dollars gets spent attacking Martin, anything is possible.

8. Democrats quiet in Thompson seat. What’s up with that? (unchanged): Republicans clearly are at battle stations to defend Rep. Jamie Thompson, R-Brownstown Township. They have spent $300,000 on ads for her so far. The Democrats have spent almost nothing for their candidate, Sherry Berecz, the Brownstown Township supervisor.

The 28th District is a Detroit media market seat, and Democrats flushed millions down the toilet on broadcast TV two years ago on Detroit House seats, so it’s not that one would expect millions of dollars to be spent, but only $3,000?

Berecz did have a cash advantage of $73,000 to $24,000 as of late August, so she does have that going for her.

Republicans have scaled back their advertising for October, suggesting they may feel a little better about this one. Still, this is a seat Thompson won by just 2 points in the last midterm. It’s a bit surprising not to see more activity here even with Downriver trending toward the Republicans. Whitmer was +7.6 in 2022, while Benson was +13.

9. If it’s a wave year, Tisdel has trouble (up from Watchlist): Rep. Mark Tisdel, R-Rochester Hills, is a near ideal candidate for Republicans in an area trending Democratic and very purple currently. He fits the 55th District well. He’s shown he can run ahead of the top of the ticket, winning in 2020 and 2022 despite Joe Biden and Gretchen Whitmer winning his seat, respectively.

Tisdel, however, has two reasons for concern this year. A steep falloff in Republican turnout, if it occurs, is out of his control. There are not enough independents, even in the Rochesters, to compensate. Two, he faces his strongest Democratic opponent yet in Alex Hawkins. It was well known two years ago that Tisdel’s opponent did not do the work that was needed.

Hawkins outpaced Tisdel in cash on hand, a surprise – $89,000 to $53,000 as of late August.

And Democrats are spending here with the Michigan Democratic Party pumping in $165,000 for ads so far. Further, Michigan Citizens for Better Health is prioritizing attacking Tisdel with $344,000 in reservations, about half of which has been spent so far.

Republicans don’t seem overly alarmed, yet, content to let the Democrats outspend them just as happened two years ago.

This is a seat Tisdel won by 4 points four years ago where it was Whitmer +12 and Benson +16. There are a lot of ticket-splitters here.

One Democratic source also pointed to what appears to be a politically risky opinion piece Tisdel wrote for The Detroit News in July calling for the state to embrace data centers with proper guardrails.

10. Republicans remain high on Laura Perry in open Miller seat (down from 7): In almost any other year, Republican Laura Perry of Dundee would likely be the favorite to flip the 31st District, now held by retiring Rep. Reggie Miller, D-Van Buren Township.

Perry has been running hard for more than a year and had a huge head start on the Democrat, Shannon Dare Wayne, a Milan City Council member. It’s an area slowly drifting to the Republicans. It notably went from Biden +1 in 2020 to Trump +2 in 2024.

She’s also a rare Republican outperforming their Democratic opponent in fundraising, though both are in good shape with Perry having $99,000 on hand in late August to $91,000 for Wayne.

But this isn’t a presidential year with Trump on the ballot to draw out thousands of lower propensity voters in northwest Monroe County. There were 12,000 more voters in 2024 in this seat than 2022, one of the bigger gaps of any of the competitive districts, where the difference is usually about 10,000.

In 2022, this seat was Whitmer +11 and Benson +15.

Citizens for Better Health is making this race a big priority with $487,000 in advertising reservations. They’ve been attacking House Republicans in key districts. Take away that spending, and it’s relatively even between the two sides in the ad game.

Perry could still flip this seat. And it’s worth noting that even in years where one party flips the bulk of the competitive seats, the other party can still flip a seat or two, like when now-Rep. Greg Markkanen, R-Hancock, flipped the 110th District in 2018 amid an overall good year for Democrats.

The environment is doing Perry no favors, however.

Watchlist

All of these seats (listed in district number order) are a reach but under the right circumstances could flip.

Rep. Jim DeSana, R-Carleton (29th District, unchanged): There are no signs of life here from the Democrat, Darian Counts of New Boston. Neither side has spent a dime on ads. DeSana is likely fine. But we’re keeping it here because DeSana only won the seat by 3 points in 2022 (yes, against a Democratic incumbent so the degree of difficulty then was much greater), and if a Democratic wave materializes, this district – on paper – is vulnerable. This was Whitmer +5 and Benson +10 in 2022. The points about DeSana’s internecine battles with his own party still stand and won’t help him if something weird happens here.

Rep. Ann Bollin, R-Brighton (49th District, new to the watchlist): The Brighton area has shown hints of getting a bit purple going back to 2018. The percentage of people with a bachelor’s degree in Brighton and Brighton Township is far above the statewide average, a good indicator of an area trending more Democratic. In 2022, redistricting moved this seat a bit east into Oakland County, picking up Democratic tilting Wixom and northern Novi. There’s still a ton of Republican territory here, but The Detroit News recently reported House Republicans did a walk day for Bollin.

Now, there’s two ways to look at such a move. One, it could mean there are concerns about Bollin. But a walk day – in which staff and members descend on a district to carpet bomb it with door-to-door work – is a low-cost way to a do a member a solid. Bollin scoffed at any sense of concern in her comments to the News. Still, this seat was Whitmer +1 and Benson +6.5 in 2022. Bollin won it by 11.5 points in 2022, so the former Brighton Township clerk who is running for a fifth term is a well-known commodity among voters. Her Democratic opponent, Dan Pelchat of Green Oak Township, is no rookie. He’s a former South Lyon mayor (South Lyon is not in the district) who has worked technology for schools.

Bollin has a huge cash advantage, $86,000 to $13,000, as of late August. There’s no reason to believe she’s in serious danger. But a Democratic wave year could make this one very interesting.

Rep. Tom Kuhn, R-Troy (57th District, unchanged): Republicans are spending lightly here, about $40,000 on advertising so far. Democrats are mostly staying away, having spent less than $10,000.

Kuhn has a healthy advantage in cash on hand over the Democratic opponent, Tom Turner of Sterling Heights, $45,000 to $9,000, as of late August. This is another seat where it’ll take a wave to propel the Democrat over the top, it seems. Kuhn won the seat by 5 points in 2022 when it was Whitmer +7 and Benson +12, so he’s shown he can get people to split their tickets. The Kuhn name has been a staple in metro Detroit politics for decades.

Rep. Ron Robinson, R-Utica (58th District, down from 6): Democrats have yet to spend a dime here on their candidate, Katrina Manetta of Shelby Township. Meanwhile, Republicans are taking no chances on Robinson, who flipped this seat in 2024, spending more than $200,000 on ads so far.

That seems like a sign.

This is just a tough, tough district for a Democrat. Yes, it was Whitmer +9.5 and Benson +15 in 2022, but it went from Trump +6 in 2020 to Trump +12.5 in 2024. There’s just not much of a Democratic base in the seat. If Robinson loses, then the Democrats are going to be north of 60 seats.

Rep. Denise Mentzer, D-Mount Clemens (61st District, unchanged): This is a pure 50/50 seat and – for a change – Republicans are spending here. The House Republican Campaign Committee has put $135,000 in ads into their candidate Robert Wojtowicz of Mount Clemens after doing little to help him two years ago. Spending for Mentzer from the Democrats is about the same. Citizens for Better Health has gotten involved with attack ads against Wojtowicz. Mentzer barely won this seat four years ago even with a Whitmer wave, though she held on again in 2024 with Trump winning the seat. Republicans have never really gone after it full bore. They might be thinking Mentzer deserves a pressure test to see if the district can be persuaded with a real effort.

Still, Wojtowicz and the $4,000 he had on hand at the end of August isn’t scaring anybody. Mentzer reported having $87,000.

Rep. Timmy Beson, R-Bay City (96th District, unchanged): Beson won this seat by 11 points four years ago, so it will take both a huge wave and a great effort by the Democrat, Bay City Mayor Christopher Girard, to oust him in a district trending Republican for years. The post-primary campaign finance reports were interesting with Girard at $51,000 on hand to just $17,000 for Beson. That’s not where an incumbent wants to be.

Still, this seat is quiet. Democrats have yet to spend one cent while Republicans seem unconcerned with the HRCC spending just $7,500 so far. There’s a lot of talk about this seat, but unless the Democrats invest, it’s hard to see it flipping given the overall trend here. This is a rare competitive seat where Whitmer did not substantially exceed her 2018 performance in 2022 (+5.7 in 2022, +5 in 2018). It was Trump +9 in 2020 and Trump +12 in 2024.

DTE Energy Company announced Thursday it has submitted an Integrated Resource Plan with state regulators that would add 15 gigawatts of renewable energy generation to its portfolio as well as add two new natural gas plants to its infrastructure.

Another highlight of the utility’s proposal is an expansion of the Fermi 2 nuclear power plant in Newport to add 177 megawatts of generation capacity to the 1.2-gigawatt facility.

In a release, DTE said its proposal submitted to the Public Service Commission Thursday would also allow for 4.5 gigawatts of energy storage capacity to be constructed.

The utility also confirmed that it is sticking with its plans from its 2022 IRP to eliminate the use of coal from its energy generation portfolio by 2032.

“As we retire coal in 2032, our job is to replace that power with resources that work together around the clock – renewables, storage, nuclear, and natural gas,” DTE Electric Company President Matt Paul said in a statement. “We designed this plan to be achievable and affordable – grounded in real analysis and feedback from customers and built to deliver cleaner energy while meeting Michigan’s growing needs for the next 20 years and beyond.”

DTE’s plan seeks to begin the first phase of the closure of the Monroe Power Plant during 2028, with the final phase occurring in 2032. The Monroe facility is one of the largest coal-fired power plants in the country.

Under the proposed IRP, DTE is asking to build two new natural gas plants that it said would generate 2.1 gigawatts of new capacity.

The plan also seeks to implement a virtual power plant while citing the growth of its CoolCurrents and Smart Savers demand response programs. DTE in its release said it would “leverage participating batteries located in homes and businesses to help reduce demand when the electric grid needs support.”

DTE Electric data showed that by 2027, DTE expects to have about 23% of its generation capacity come from renewables, projected to rise further to 56% by 2035 and be at about 53% in 2046.

Natural gas is expected to make up 33% of capacity by 2027 before falling to 24% in 2035 and then 19% through 2046.

Coal made up 62% of DTE’s generation in 2005. This is expected to decrease to 18% in 2027 and phased out under the final coal-fired plant retirements by the end of 2032.

“We’re building a stronger tomorrow for Michigan’s children and grandchildren,” DTE Energy Company President and Chief Executive Officer Joi Harris said in a statement. “We listened closely to our customers throughout this process, and this plan reflects what they told us matters most to them: reliable power, affordable bills, and a practical path to a cleaner energy future. It balances those priorities while ensuring Michigan has the energy it needs to continue growing for decades to come.”

Nearly a year after lawmakers congratulated themselves on coming to a road funding agreement after years of hemming and hawing, a new report is raising the alarm on what could be Michigan’s next great fiscal infrastructure reckoning: miles upon miles of pipes the state depends upon for wastewater treatment and clean water delivery, largely living on borrowed time.

The Great Lakes Water Authority, in partnership with Public Sector Consultants and the Citizens Research Council, released on Thursday the culmination of work undertaken by its Water Funding Task Force convened earlier this year, a report titled The Crisis Beneath Us: The Urgent Need to Invest in Michigan’s Water Infrastructure.

Among the banner findings of six months spent meeting with dozens of water utilities, reviewing reports and peer studies and analyzing public opinion research to form a complete picture of Michigan’s water infrastructure needs is the roughly $85 billion estimated gap between what the state currently spends and what it stands to require as an aging water system continues to fail in the coming years.

Combining factors like shrinking federal support for state water infrastructure, a frayed tolerance for increases in local utility rates and the age of Michigan’s pipes puts the state in a uniquely critical position to find a solution within state government for that underfunding, GLWA said, and the sooner the better.

The report notes that Michigan’s FY 2027 budget includes approximately $200 million in non-federal funding for water infrastructure against the more than $5 billion in state funds for roads, a “significant disparity” of roughly four cents spent on water for every state dollar invested in roads.

“Michigan has reached a point where maintaining the water infrastructure millions of people depend on every day cannot be treated as a local problem with a local solution,” GLWA Chief Executive Officer Suzanne Coffey said in a statement. “We see firsthand what happens when critical infrastructure fails: families can be displaced, businesses can close, communities can lose water service, and costs can escalate overnight. At the same time, simply passing billions of dollars in additional costs on to local ratepayers is neither sustainable nor realistic. This report gives Michigan a clearer picture of the scale of the challenge and, more importantly, a path toward addressing it.”

Public opinion polling cited in the report shows 85% of Michiganders “consider the state’s failure to maintain its water infrastructure a serious concern” and 84% support increased state investment in systems that deliver clean water and treat wastewater. It’s become increasingly difficult, though, to convince ratepayers that they should shoulder the cost increase for replacing infrastructure that, in many cases, is pushing a century old.

“Michigan spent the first half of the 20th century building its water infrastructure and the second half asking communities to bear the responsibility of maintaining the system. Now as many parts of that infrastructure system approaches the end of its expected life, communities are being asked to replace it through substantial increase on the rates and charges borne by users,” the report said. “The size and scale of the required investment is more than what municipal budgets can fund. The needs have ballooned in the two decades since Michigan last made a meaningful state investment in water infrastructure, and the failure to invest is no longer a hypothetical risk –the impact is happening now, in Macomb County, in Kalamazoo, in Oakland County, beneath Detroit’s freeways, in every region of the state. The crisis is beneath us, literally, and every year it stays buried is a year it gets more expensive to fix.”

Michigan’s water and sewer rates have increased a combined 24% over the past five years, GLWA found, which it attributed to utilities absorbing “rising costs for basics, including chemicals, energy, labor, materials, and construction.”

The task force recommended the creation of a “sustainable, long-term state revenue source, paired with policy changes that improve accountability and flexibility in how funding reaches the systems that need it most” to head off worse failures of water systems and replace pipes around the state.

Policymakers have options, researchers said: general obligation and revenue bonds, pay-as-you-go appropriations or new or expanded revenue sources could be used in conjunction with new statewide asset-management data, unavailable when Michigan made its last major investment in water infrastructure two decades ago, to direct resources where they’re most likely to be effective.

“Michigan already has a blueprint for funding our infrastructure. We did it with roads, and now it’s time to do it for water. This report lays out the need for a coordinated, state-level investment in water infrastructure, and the cost of continued inaction,” Public Sector Consultants Senior Vice President Maggie Pallone, the report’s lead author, said in a statement. “This report should raise alarm bells for policymakers from all parts of the state. Our most critical infrastructure is no longer a buried problem for the next generation to address.”

Michigan Infrastructure and Transportation Association Executive Vice President Rob Coppersmith said the report “puts hard numbers on what the workforce who builds and repairs Michigan’s infrastructure see every day” and emphasized the relationship between maintaining the state’s roads and its water and sewage systems.

“Much of the pipe beneath our communities was laid in the 1920s or in the years after World War II, and most of it has reached or passed the end of its useful life, yet we’re replacing less than 1% of the state’s water mains each year, and the state’s 2027 budget dedicates just 0.5% of its resources to water infrastructure,” Coppersmith said in a statement. “With as much as $85 billion needed over the next 20 years, that math simply doesn’t work. When this infrastructure fails, it doesn’t fail quietly. Water main breaks wash out the ground beneath our roads, opening sinkholes and tearing up pavement we’ve just committed billions of dollars to fix.”

Coppersmith went onto reference the May failure of a transmission main in Oakland County, which resulted in cut-off water to roughly 200,000 residents and a state of emergency declared by Gov. Gretchen Whitmer. The report’s authors cited that failure and similar incidents as events that will become increasingly common if lawmakers neglect the responsibility of addressing water infrastructure in a timely manner.

“Every repair we put off today becomes a costlier emergency tomorrow, and only about a third of that cost lands on the utility. The rest falls on local families, businesses, schools, and hospitals,” Coppersmith said. “Local ratepayers can’t close an $85 billion gap on their own. Michigan needs a dedicated, long-term state funding source for water infrastructure, and 84% of Michiganders agree. MITA stands ready to work with lawmakers to make that investment now, before the next failure makes the decision for us.”

A package of bills that would allow the state to regulate carbon capture and sequestration was brought up in a House panel on Tuesday with business groups expressing support and environmental organizations concerned.

HB 6247, HB 6248, and HB 6249, which were up in the House Energy Committee on Tuesday, outline a variety of regulatory steps needed for the state to have its own carbon capture and sequestration program, including site leasing, permit processing, ownership and liability, and more.

Under the bills, the Department of Environment, Great Lakes, and Energy, and the Department of Natural Resources would be the agencies involved. The DNR would be the key agency to create the program and help with siting. EGLE would be the lead on permit approval.

Carbon sequestration is the long-term storage of carbon dioxide to prevent its release into the atmosphere. Carbon sequestration involves capturing the carbon from industrial facilities or other areas and then injecting it deep underground into porous rock formations where it can remain trapped and eventually be incorporated into the minerals.

Rep. Parker Fairbairn, one of the bill sponsors, said the state is well suited for carbon sequestration because of its storage capacity and its industrial nature.

“By establishing a state-run regulatory framework rather than relying on federal agencies, we can unlock significant economic environmental benefits,” said Fairborn, R-Harbor Springs. “Michigan is uniquely suited for CCS for two primary reasons. It is already happening here but currently operates under slow federal oversight. Our state possesses an estimated 70 billion tons of subsurface carbon dioxide storage capacity, enough to safely isolate centuries of industrial greenhouse emissions.”

Business groups were supportive of the bills and said it would be in the state’s best interest to move away from the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency process and toward a state-run regulatory framework.

Mike Alaimo with the Michigan Chamber of Commerce noted the state’s clean energy law passed when Democrats controlled the House, Senate and governor’s office required carbon sequestration.

“This will help preserve manufacturing and energy intensive industrial jobs,” he said. “And this will also help do that in a way that has strong environmental protections and helps clean up our air.”

Further, he said, the issue is competitive with 15 states moving on the issue, including Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois.

“And so they’re ahead of the game here and drawing investment because of it,” he said. “And we know for a fact that we have missed out on business investment to Indiana because they had a carbon capture program and we did not.”

Several environmental groups oppose the bills for varying reasons, including concerns about environmental impacts and the extension of the use of fossil fuels.

Ben Poulson, with the Michigan League of Conservation Voters, said the state has a large capacity of carbon storage, so it is important to get the regulatory framework right. Poulson expressed concerns about the cost of storing carbon for the companies participating, comparing it to the tipping fee that former Gov. Rick Snyder and Gov. Gretchen Whitmer tried to increase during the last decade without success.

“When we’re talking about landfilling, we’ve seen Michigan take responsibility for storing out of state garbage, disincentivize the development of a materials management industry and miss out on revenue to fund essential programs like contaminated site cleanups,” he said.

Poulson pointed to SB 394, SB 395, and SB 396, which he said are different from the House bills.

“I encourage the committee to take time to get this framework right before expanding this industry in Michigan, including carefully considering monitoring requirements, long term liability, groundwater protections and financial responsibility,” Poulson said.

The committee did not act on the bills Tuesday.